It also argues for the separation of religion and politics.
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The NUG believes that all citizens who swear allegiance to the nation, regardless of their ethnicity, should have the right to full citizenship - a clear departure from the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law. It also claims that the police and army should be under the control of state civilian governments. The NUG’s Federal Democracy Charter asserts that Myanmar’s states should own land and natural resources. The NUG is supported by the Karen, Karenni, Kachin and Chin ethnic groups, yet it still struggles to gain international recognition and the material support needed to eliminate military rule. The NUG includes lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnic representatives, most of them in exile. Min Aung Hlaing even invited them to join the military’s Border Guard Forces. Keeping these armed groups from re-entering the struggle is crucial for the junta to maintain power. Seven ceasefire groups and three non-ceasefire groups attended the talks. Min Aung Hlaing invited ethnic armed groups to peace talks in June 2022. The Chin National Front, Kachin, Karenni and Arakan armies are also active in resisting military rule.
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The Karen National Union supports local PDF groups and has engaged the military in several battles. While the resistance is widespread and has achieved some success, the People’s Defence Force (PDF) - the military wing of the NUG - lacks weapons, training, coordination and leadership.
Strict military control of foreign currency has further deepened the crisis. Fuel scarcity has pushed prices up and inhibited production, increasing food prices. Min Aung Hlaing is replacing regional commanders, but he seems in control of the main ranks after placing loyal officers in key positions.Īnother major problem for the military is the economic crisis. But despite defections, there are no signs of internal cracks in the corporate unity of the military. The military relies on air strikes to combat the resistance, while an estimated 8000 soldiers and police have defected. The call for veterans, members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the wives of soldiers to undergo military training shows that recruitment is very difficult for the Tatmadaw. The military has suffered an estimated 10,000 casualties and material losses. Their self-identified historical role as the guardians of unity and sovereignty means that they view civil society as the enemy.Īccording to the NUG, the resistance now controls 50 per cent of Myanmar. The Tatmadaw’s decade-long indoctrination in the nationalist ideology of preventing national disintegration, protecting Buddhism and stopping foreign influence has blinded the generals. The military misjudged the civilian resistance at the start of the conflict. It is critical for these states to recognise the NUG and help the resistance. The question is whether or not ASEAN and the other neighbouring states can afford to allow Myanmar to descend into total social and humanitarian chaos. While the generals use visits from envoys from the UN and ASEAN to legitimise their regime, the NUG and the resistance are similarly unwilling to negotiate.
ASEAN’s five-point peace plan for the country is a failure and China merely worries about its investments in support of the regime. 18 months after the Tatmadaw seized power, General Min Aung Hlaing and the junta are not inclined to negotiate with the National Unity Government (NUG) and the resistance he describes as ‘terrorists’.
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